铁幕演说（Iron Curtain Speech）是1946年3月5日英国前首相温斯顿·丘吉尔（Winston Leonard Spencer Churchill）在美国富尔顿城威斯敏斯特学院发表的一场名为“和平砥柱”的演讲，旨在联合美国与其他说英语的国家共同反对苏联和共产主义。

第二次世界大战结束后，美苏的实力不断崛起，加之战后美苏等国家的意识形态和制度的不同，美苏在欧洲形成了对峙的局面，丘吉尔认为美国始终是维护资本主义国家利益的，便于1946年1月16日应美国总统哈里·S·杜鲁门（Harry S. Truman）的邀请访美，1946年3月5日在杜鲁门的陪同下于威斯敏斯特学院发表了“铁幕演说”，他认为美国当时处于世界权力的巅峰，应该联合英国以及其他说英语的国家共同反对苏联和共产主义的扩张。而时任苏联领导人的约瑟夫·维萨里奥诺维奇·斯大林（俄语：Иосиф Виссарионович Сталин，英语：Joseph Vissarionovich Stalin）则表明温斯顿·丘吉尔的这次演讲是在制造战争。

丘吉尔的这次“铁幕演说”宣传反苏反共，拉开了“美苏冷战”(Cold War)的序幕，而“铁幕”一词也成为了战后国际关系中有关东西方对抗的专有名词。在“铁幕演说”后一年，1947年3月12日美国提出了杜鲁门主义，冷战正式开始，因此丘吉尔的这篇演说也被世人认为是“冷战宣言”。

第二次世界大战以法西斯主义失败收场，苏、美、英等盟国之间因意识形态和领导权等问题而加剧的紧张局势，暗示了全球范围内另一场战争的可能性。第二次世界大战结束后，世界形势和各国之间的力量对比发生了深刻的变化。苏联红军的国际声望空前提高，战后社会主义阵营的形成和亚非拉革命浪潮高涨，使苏联获得从未有过的世界地位，成为政治、军事大国。这在美国看来，苏联地位的上涨已经阻碍了他全球扩张的道路，于是美苏在世界最重要的战略地区欧洲，形成了对峙局面。

温斯顿·丘吉尔领导英国人民取得反法西斯战争的胜利，但是世界格局的变化让他担忧，美苏在不断崛起，而英国却在衰落，他曾表示“苏俄已成为自由世界的致命威胁”，他认为美国始终是维护资本主义国家利益的，1945年7月，丘吉尔在英国大选中落败便离任了，这时美国又决心与苏联展开较量，便让丘吉尔打头阵，邀请丘吉尔访美，最终在1946年1月16日，丘吉尔应美国总统哈里·S·杜鲁门的邀请访美，期间丘吉尔多次发表谈话，推动英美联合、恢复世界均衡，并要求美国长期驻军欧洲，抗衡苏联，并且同杜鲁门、国务卿贝尔纳斯多次会晤，其间，他于3月5日发表了“铁幕演说”。

1946年1月丘吉尔访美，同年3月5日在时任美国总统杜鲁门陪同下于密苏里州富尔顿的威斯敏斯特学院发表“和平砥柱”（The Sinews of Peace）演讲。丘吉尔在这次演讲中，针对美苏之间的紧张局势，发表了他的看法，他认为新的战争和暴政正在威胁着世界，而根源就是苏联和国际共产主义运动。同时丘吉尔宣称“从波罗的海的什切青到亚得里亚海边的的里雅斯特，一幅横贯欧洲大陆的铁幕已经降落下来了”，铁幕之后的中、东欧的一些古老城市受到了苏联的“高压控制”，比如华沙、柏林、布达佩斯、布拉格、维也纳、贝尔格莱德、布加勒斯特特等。同时在这张铁幕外面，共产党的“第五纵队”也遍布各国。而且对苏联的“权力和主义”无限扩张的情况，不能采取“绥靖政策”。温斯顿·丘吉尔提出美国当时处于世界权力的巅峰，美国要认清苏联对所谓的“自由世界”已经构成了军事威胁，美国应当担负起对未来的责任，丘吉尔主张英美要建立反共军事联盟，并提议军事上要保持密切的联系，共同研究潜在的危险，用实力反对苏联，同时他还呼吁那些说英语的国家一起联合起来遏制以苏联为首的共产主义的扩展。

The United States stands at this time at the pinnacle of world power. It is a solemn moment for the American Democracy. For with primacy in power is also joined an awe inspiring accountability to the future. If you look around you, you must feel not only the sense of duty done but also you must feel anxiety lest you fall below the level of achievement. Opportunity is here now, clear and shining for both our countries. To reject it or ignore it or fritter it away will bring upon us all the long reproaches of the after-时间 It is necessary that constancy of mind, persistency of purpose, and the grand simplicity of decision shall guide and rule the conduct of the English-speaking peoples in peace as they did in war. We must, and I believe we shall, prove ourselves equal to this severe requirement.

When American military men approach some serious situation they are wont to write at the head of their directive the words "over-all strategic concept." There is wisdom in this, as it leads to clarity of thought. What then is the over-all strategic concept which we should inscribe today? It is nothing less than the safety and welfare, the freedom and progress, of all the homes and families of all the men and women in all the lands. And here I speak particularly of the myriad cottage or apartment homes where the wage-earner strives amid the accidents and difficulties of life to guard his wife and children from privation and bring the family up in the fear of the Lord, or upon ethical conceptions which often play their potent part.

To give security to these countless homes, they must be shielded from the two giant marauders, war and tyranny. We all know the frightful disturbances in which the ordinary family is plunged when the curse of war swoops down upon the bread-winner and those for whom he works and contrives. The awful ruin of Europe, with all its vanished glories, and of large parts of Asia glares us in the eyes. When the designs of wicked men or the aggressive urge of mighty States dissolve over large areas the frame of civilised society, humble folk are confronted with difficulties with which they cannot cope. For them all is distorted, all is broken, even ground to pulp.

When I stand here this quiet afternoon I shudder to visualise what is actually happening to millions now and what is going to happen in this period when famine stalks the earth. None can compute what has been called "the unestimated sum of human pain." Our Supreme task and duty is to guard the homes of the common people from the horrors and miseries of another war. We are all agreed on that.

Our American military colleagues, after having proclaimed their "over-all strategic concept" and computed available resources, always proceed to the next step-namely, the method. Here again there is widespread agreement. A world organisation has already been erected for the prime purpose of preventing war, UNO, the successor of the League of Nations, with the decisive addition of the United States and all that that means, is already at work. We must make sure that its work is fruitful, that it is a reality and not a sham, that it is a force for action, and not merely a frothing of words, that it is a true temple of peace in which the shields of many nations can some day be hung up, and not merely a cockpit in a Tower of Babel. Before we cast away the 固体 assurances of national armaments for self-preservation we must be certain that our temple is built, not upon shifting sands or quagmires, but upon the rock. Anyone can see with his eyes open that our path will be difficult and also long, but if we persevere together as we did in the two world wars-though not, alas, in the interval between them-I cannot doubt that we shall achieve our common purpose in the end.

I have, however, a definite and practical proposal to make for action. Courts and magistrates may be set up but they cannot function without sheriffs and constables. The United Nations Organisation must immediately begin to be equipped with an international armed force. In such a matter we can only go step by step, but we must begin now. I propose that each of the Powers and States should be invited to delegate a certain number of air squadrons to the service of the world organisation. These squadrons would be trained and prepared in their own countries, but would move around in rotation from one country to another. They would wear the uniform of their own countries but with different badges. They would not be required to act against their own nation, but in other respects they would be directed by the world organisation. This might be started on a modest scale and would grow as confidence grew. I wished to see this done after the First World War, and I devoutly trust it may be done forthwith.

It would nevertheless be wrong and imprudent to Entrust the secret knowledge or experience of the atomic bomb, which the United States, Great Britain, and Canada now share, to the world organisation, while it is still in its infancy. It would be criminal madness to cast it adrift in this still agitated and un-united world. No one in any country has slept less well in their beds because this knowledge and the method and the raw materials to apply it, are at present largely retained in American hands. I do not believe we should all have slept so soundly had the positions been reversed and if some Communist or neo-Fascist State monopolised for the time being these dread agencies. The fear of them alone might easily have been used to enforce totalitarian systems upon the free democratic world, with consequences appalling to human imagination. God has willed that this shall not be and we have at least a breathing space to set our house in order before this peril has to be encountered: and even then, if no effort is spared, we should still possess So formidable a superiority as to impose effective deterrents upon its employment, or threat of employment, by others. Ultimately, when the essential brotherhood of man is truly embodied and expressed in a world organisation with all the necessary practical safeguards to make it effective, these 功率s would naturally be confided to that world organisation.

Now I come to the second danger of these two marauders which threatens the cottage, the home, and the ordinary people-namely, tyranny. We cannot be blind to the fact that the liberties enjoyed by individual citizens throughout the British Empire are not valid in a considerable number of countries, some of which are very powerful. In these States control is enforced upon the common people by various kinds of all-embracing police governments. The power of the State is exercised without restraint, either by dictators or by compact oligarchies operating through a privileged party and a political police. It is not our duty at this time when difficulties are so numerous to interfere forcibly in the internal affairs of countries which we have not conquered in war. But we must never cease to proclaim in fearless tones the great principles of freedom and the rights of man which are the joint inheritance of the English-speaking world and which through Magna Carta, the Bill of Rights, the Habeas Corpus, trial by jury, and the English common law find their most famous expression in the American Declaration of Independence.

All this means that the people of any country have the right, and should have the power by constitutional action, by free unfettered elections, with secret ballot, to choose or change the character or form of government under which they dwell; that freedom of speech and thought should reign; that courts of justice, independent of the executive, unbiased by any party, should administer laws which have received the broad assent of large majorities or are consecrated by time and custom. Here are the title deeds of freedom which should lie in every cottage home. Here is the message of the British and American peoples to mankind Let us preach what we practise - let us practise what we preach.

I have now stated the two great dangers which menace the homes of the people: War and Tyranny. I have not yet spoken of poverty and privation which are in many cases the prevailing anxiety. But if the dangers of war and tyranny are removed, there is no doubt that science and co-operation can bring in the next few years to the world, certainly in the next few decades newly taught in the sharpening school of war, an expansion of material well-being beyond anything that has yet occurred in human experience. Now, at this sad and breathless moment, we are plunged in the hunger and distress which are the aftermath of our stupendous struggle; but this will pass and may pass quickly, and there is no reason except human folly or sub-human crime which should deny to all the nations the inauguration and enjoyment of an age of plenty. I have often used words which I learned fifty years ago from a great Irish-American orator, a friend of mine, Mr. Bourke Cockran. "There is enough for all. The 地球 is a generous 母亲; she will provide in plentiful abundance food for all her children if they will but cultivate her soil in justice and in peace." So far I feel that we are in full agreement.

Now, while still pursuing the method of realising our overall strategic concept, I come to the crux of what I have travelled here to Say. Neither the sure prevention of war, nor the continuous rise of world organisation will be gained without what I have called the fraternal association of the English-speaking peoples. This means a special relationship between the British Commonwealth and Empire and the United States. This is no time for generalities, and I will venture to be precise. Fraternal association requires not only the growing friendship and mutual understanding between our two vast but kindred Systems of society, but the continuance of the intimate relationship between our military advisers, leading to common study of potential dangers, the similarity of weapons and manuals of instructions, and to the interchange of officers and cadets at technical colleges. It should carry with it the continuance of the present facilities for mutual security by the joint use of all Naval and Air Force bases in the possession of either country all over the world. This would perhaps double the mobility of the American Navy and Air Force. It would greatly expand that of the British Empire Forces and it might well lead, if and as the world calms down, to important financial savings. Already we use together a large number of islands; more may well be entrusted to our joint care in the near future.

The United States has already a Permanent Defence Agreement with the Do-minion of Canada, which is so devotedly attached to the British Commonwealth and empire This Agreement is more effective than many of those which have often been made under formal alliances. This principle should be extended to all British Commonwealths with full reciprocity. Thus, whatever happens, and thus only, shall we be secure ourselves and able to work together for the high and simple causes that are dear to us and bode no ill to any. Eventually there may come-I feel eventually there will come-the principle of common citizenship, but that we may be content to leave to destiny, whose outstretched arm many of us can already clearly see.

There is however an important question we must ask ourselves. Would a special relationship between the United States and the British Commonwealth be inconsistent with our over-riding loyalties to the World Organisation? I reply that, on the contrary, it is probably the only means by which that organisation will achieve its full stature and strength There are already the special United States relations with Canada which I have just mentioned, and there are the special relations between the United States and the South American Republics. We British have our twenty years Treaty of Collaboration and Mutual Assistance with Soviet Russia. I agree with Mr. Bevin, the Foreign Secretary of Great Britain, that it might well be a fifty years Treaty so far as we are concerned. We aim at nothing but mutual assistance and collaboration. The British have an alliance with Portugal unbroken since 1384, and which produced fruitful results at critical moments in the late war. None of these clash with the general interest of a world agreement, or a world organisation; on the contrary they help 信息技术 "In my father's house are many mansions." Special associations between members of the United Nations which have no aggressive point against any other country, which harbour no 设计 incompatible with the Charter of the United Nations, far from being harmful, are beneficial and, as I believe, indispensable.

I spoke earlier of the Temple of Peace. Workmen from all countries must build that temple. If two of the workmen know each other particularly well and are old friends, if their families are inter-mingled, and if they have "faith in each other's purpose, hope in each other's future and charity towards each other's shortcomings"-to quote some good words I read here the other day-why cannot they work together at the common task as friends and partners? Why cannot they share their tools and thus increase each other's working powers? Indeed they must do so or else the temple may not be built, or, being built, it may collapse, and we shall all be proved again unteachable and have to go and try to learn again for a third 时间 in a school of war, incomparably more rigorous than that from which we have just been released. The dark ages may return, the Stone Age may return on the gleaming wings of science, and what might now shower immeasurable material blessings upon mankind, may even bring about its total destruction. Beware, I say; 时间 may be short. Do not let us take the course of allowing events to 漂移 along until it is too late. If there is to be a fraternal association of the kind I have described, with all the extra strength and 证券 which both our countries can derive from it, let us make sure that that great fact is known to the world, and that it plays its part in steadying and stabilising the foundations of peace. There is the path of wisdom. Prevention is better than cure.

A shadow has fallen upon the scenes so lately lighted by the Allied victory. Nobody knows what Soviet Russia and its Communist international organisation intends to do in the immediate future, or what are the limits, if any, to their expansive and proselytising tendencies. I have a strong admiration and regard for the valiant Russian people and for my wartime comrade, Marshal Stalin. There is deep sympathy and goodwill in Britain-and I doubt not here also-towards the peoples of all the Russias and a resolve to persevere through many differences and rebuffs in establishing lasting friendships. We understand the Russian need to be secure on her western frontiers by the removal of all possibility of German aggression. We welcome Russia to her rightful place among the leading nations of the world. We welcome her flag upon the seas. Above all, we welcome constant, frequent and growing contacts between the Russian people and our own people on both sides of the Atlantic. It is my duty however, for I am sure you would wish me to state the facts as I see them to you, to place before you certain facts about the present position in Europe.

From Stettin in the Baltic to Trieste in the Adriatic, an iron curtain has descended across the Continent. Behind that line lie all the capitals of the ancient states of Central and Eastern Europe. 华沙, Berlin, Prague, Vienna, Budapest, Belgrade, 布加勒斯特 and Sofia, all these famous cities and the populations around them lie in what I must call the Soviet sphere, and all are subject in one form or another, not only to Soviet influence but to a very high and, in many cases, increasing measure of control from Moscow. Athens alone-Greece with its immortal glories-is free to decide its future at an 选举 under British, American and French observation. The Russian-dominated Polish Government has been encouraged to make enormous and wrongful inroads upon Germany, and mass expulsions of millions of Germans on a scale grievous and undreamed-of are now taking place. The Communist parties, which were very small in all these Eastern States of Europe, have been raised to pre-eminence and power far beyond their numbers and are seeking everywhere to obtain totalitarian control. Police governments are prevailing in nearly every case, and so far, except in Czechoslovakia, there is no true democracy.

美国此刻正高踞于世界强国之巅。对美国民主来说，这是一个庄严的时刻。因为作为世界第一强国，必然对未来负有令人敬畏的责任。环顾四周，你们不但觉得已经尽了应尽的责任，而且会感到忧虑,恐怕自己达不到往日的成就。对我们两个国家来说,机会就在眼前,清清楚楚,闪闪发光。拒绝机会、或忽视机会、或浪费这个机会，我们都将受到后世长久的责备。思想的坚定不移、目的的持之以恒和决策的英明神武，在和平年代像在战争时期一样，都应该指导和规范英语民族的行为。我们必须证明我们能够达到这一严峻的要求，我相信我们能够做到这一点。

美国军人在着手处理严峻的局势时，习惯于在他们的指令开头写上“总体战略构想”的字眼。这种做法是明智的,因为这能使人思路清晰。那么，我们今天应当题写的总体战略构想是什么呢。就是在所有土地上的所有男女、所有家园和家庭的安全和幸福、自由和进步。这里我尤其要说的是,在无数的小屋和公寓里,工薪阶层在人生的种种不测和困境中苦苦挣扎,养家糊口，使自己的妻子儿女不挨饿受冻，他们心中怀有对上帝的敬畏，怀有经常起到强大作用的道德观念。

要给这些不计其数的家庭以安全,必须保护他们，为他们防范两大掠夺者--战争和暴政。众所周知，当战争的祸害降临到养家糊口的人以及他们为之辛劳和奔波的人身上时，普通家庭将陷人可怕的风雨飘摇之中。欧洲昔日荣耀的不复存在，亚洲大部分地区的满目疮，仍然历历在目。当恶人的阴谋诡计或强国的侵略欲望在大片的土地上摧毁了文明社会的框架，平民百姓将遭遇他们无法应对的困难。对他们而言，一切都扭曲了，一切都破碎了，甚至被碾得稀巴烂。

在这个平静的下午，我站在这里，设想到此时此刻正在数百万人身上发生的一切，设想到当饥荒肆虐地球时将要发生的一切,我不禁不寒而栗。没有谁能够计算出所谓“不可估量的人生痛苦”。我们的最高任务和职责就是保卫平民百姓的家园,使他们远离另一场战争的恐怖和苦难。我们都同意这一点。

我们的美国军队同事们，在宣告了他们的“总体战略构想”并估算了可利用的资源之后，总是继续进行下一步--即方法。在这一点上我们又会取得广泛的一致意见。一个世界性的组织已经建立起来了,其首要目标就是防止战争。联合国组织接替了国联,并且有美国的决定性加人，已经开始运作了。我们一定要确保它的工作是富有成效的,确保它成为一个实体而不是一个摆设，确保它成为行动的力量而不是语言的泡沫,确保它是一座真正的和平圣殿而不是巴别塔里的斗鸡场,在这里,许多国家有朝一日都将铸剑为犁。在我们抛弃用于自我防御的国家军备这一可靠保证之前，我们必须确定我们的圣殿已经建在了岩石上，而不是建在流沙或者沼泽地上。有目共睹，我们的道路将会艰辛而漫长,但是如果我们一起坚持不懈，就如我们在两次世界大战中所做的那样--唉，不能再像两次大战之间那样了--那么我毫不怀疑最终我们一定会实现我们的共同目标。

然而,我有一个明确而实际的行动建议要提出来。法庭和法官或许已经有了，但是如果没有警长和警察，他们就无法发挥作用。联合国组织必须马上着手配备一支国际武装力量。在这个问题上,我们只能按部就班,循序渐进，但我们必须现在就开始着手。我建议，应邀请每一个大国和国家派出一定数量的空军中队为这个世界性组织服役。这些中队将在本国进行训练和准备，但将在各国之间轮流驻扎。他们将身着本国的军服,但佩戴不同的徽章。可以不要求他们对自己的国家作战,但在其他方面他们将接受联合国组织的调遣。这一做法可以从较小的规模开始实行，随着我们信心的增长,其规模也将不断扩大。我曾希望第一次世界大战后就这样做，我由衷地相信现在立即就可以这么做。

但是，如果把美国、英国和加拿大现在共同掌握的原子弹的秘密知识或经验托付给这个仍处于初始阶段的世界性组织,那将是错误和轻率的。如果任凭这种秘密知识在这个仍然动荡不安和尚不团结的世界上随意漂流，那就是疯狂的犯罪行为。这种知识和对其加以运用的方法与原材料目前大部分掌握在美国人手里，没有哪一个国家的哪一个人因此而睡不安稳。但是，如果情况颠倒过来，如果某个共产主义国家或某个新法西斯主义国家目前垄断了这些可怕的武器,那么我相信,我们都会睡不好觉了。单单是对它们的恐惧就可能轻易地被用于在自由的民主世界推行极权主义制度,其骇人的后果不堪设想。上帝没有让这一切发生，在危险尚未来临时，我们至少还有一丝喘息的机会来做好防范;即使到了那个时候，即便我们将不择手段，我们仍然拥有如此强大的优势可以进行有效的威慑，以防止他人使用原子弹或威胁使用原子弹。最终，当人们之间最基本的手足情谊真切地在一个世界性组织中得到体现和表达，并以所有必要的现实安全措施来使该组织具有效力的时候，这些强大的武器自然就会交托给那个世界性组织。

现在我要讲讲两大掠夺者中威胁着小屋、家园和老百姓的第二个危险--即暴政。我们不能无视这样的事实，大英帝国的每个公民都能享受的自由在相当多的国家里，其中一些还是十分强大的国家里,是不存在的。在这些国家里，各种各样无所不包的警察政府对普通人民强加控制。独裁者或紧密结合的寡头统治集团通过一个享有特权的政党和一批政治警察毫无节制地行使着国家的权力。现在，困难重重,我们没有责任强行干涉那些我们在战争中不曾征服的国家的内部事务。但是，我们绝不能停止理直气壮地宣扬自由和人权的伟大原则，这是英语世界的共同遗产，继《大宪章》《权利法案》人身保护令、陪审团审讯制度以及英国普通法之后，它们又在美国的《独立宣言》中得到举世闻名的诠释。

这一切意味着任何国家的人民都有权利并应该有权力,通过符合宪法的活动，通过可以进行秘密投票的自由选举,来选择或改变他们自己政府的性质或形式;意味着言论和思想自由应当占主导地位;意味着法院应当在独立于行政权力、无任何政党倾向的条件下执行已得到人民大众广泛认可的法律,或因时间和习俗而变得神圣的法律。这就是每一个平民家庭都应该拥有的自由契约。这就是英国和美国人民向全人类传达的信息。让我们宣扬我们所实践的--让我们实践我们所宣扬的。

我已经谈论了威胁人们家园的两大危险:战争和暴政。但我还没有说到贫困，在许多情况下，贫困是造成焦虑的最主要因素。但是，如果战争和暴政的危险消除了，毫无疑问,在未来几年,也许是未来几十年内,科学与合作将带给这个经过战争洗礼的世界人类历史上前所未有的物质繁荣。目前，在这个令人伤心、令人窒息的时刻，我们仍陷在大战遗留的饥饿与痛苦之中;但是，一切都会过去，或许很快就会过去，除了人类的愚蠢或非人的犯罪，没有什么原因能够阻挡所有的国家迎接和享受一个富足的时代。我经常引用我五十年前从一位伟大的爱尔兰裔演说家、我的朋友伯克·科克兰先生那里学到的一番话:“人人都能得到满足。地球是一位慷慨的母亲，只要她的孩子们能够公正、和平地耕种她的土地，她就会为他们提供充裕的食物。”到目前为止，我觉得我们完全认同这一点。

尽管我们仍然需要继续寻找实现总体战略构想的方法,现在,我要讲一讲我此行要谈的关键问题。不管是有效地防止战争,还是不断提升世界性组织的地位，都离不开我称之为英语民族兄弟般的联合。这种联合意味着英联邦、大英帝国与美利坚合众国之间建立的特殊关系。现在不是泛泛空谈的时候,我要斗胆明确地谈谈。兄弟般的联合不仅要求我们两个庞大的、同宗同源的社会制度之间拥有日益增长的友谊和相互谅解，而且要求双方军事顾问继续保持密切的联系，以便共同研究潜在的危险，促成两国武器、操作手册的趋同,以及两国军事技术院校军官和学员的互换交流。应该联合使用两国遍及世界各地的所有海军、空军基地,使现有的设施继续用于共同安全的目的。这也许会使美国海军和空军的机动性变为原来的两倍。这也将大大提高大英帝国军队的机动性。如果世界太平了，而世界也必将太平,这种联合也会为我们带来巨大的财政节约。我们已经在共同使用大量的岛屿了;在不久的将来，更多现有设施将交由我们双方共同使用。

美国已经与忠实地附属于英联邦和大英帝国的加拿大自治领签署了《永久防御协定》。这一协定比许多正式盟友间的协定更具有效力。这一完全互惠的原则应当在所有英联邦国家进行推广。因此，不论发生什么情况，只要有这样的协定，我们就能保证自身的安全，就能共同努力，为高尚而朴素的事业而奋斗。我们的事业对于我们自己而言弥足珍贵而对他人毫无恶意。最终，我们或许会迎来--我认为最终我们将迎来--共同公民身份的原则，但是，我们或许很乐于将这一点交由命运定夺，我们中有许多人已经能够清楚地看到命运伸展开来的手臂。

但是,我们必须问自己一个重要问题。美国与英联邦之间的特殊关系会不会有悖于我们对世界性组织的忠诚呢。我的回答是，恰恰相反，这很可能是使这个世界性组织完善发展并充分发挥作用的唯一方法。我刚刚已经提到了美国和加拿大的特殊关系，美国和南美洲的共和国也有特殊的关系。我们英国和苏俄有为期二十年的《合作与互助条约》。我同意英国外交大臣欧内斯特·贝文先生的看法，就我们而言，这个条约最好能维持五十年。我们的目标是互助与合作。英国自1384年以来就与葡萄牙结为盟友，在刚刚过去的世界大战的关键时刻，我们的同盟关系起到了至关重要的作用。这些协定与一个世界性协定或世界性组织的共同利益没有任何冲突。“在我父的家里,有许多住处。”联合国成员之间不针对别国有侵略意图的、符合《联合国宪章》的特殊关系不仅远远没有害处,反而是有益的,而且我认为，还是必不可少的。

我刚才提到了和平圣殿。来自所有国家的工匠必须建造这座圣殿。如果其中有两个工匠彼此特别熟悉,是老朋友，并且他们的家庭互相联姻,如果他们“对彼此的目的充满信任，对彼此的未来充满希望，对彼此的缺点怀有宽容”——引用我有一天在这里看到的几句话来说——他们为什么不能作为朋友和伙伴来为这个共同的任务而齐心协力呢，他们为什么不能分享彼此的工具,提高各自的工作效率呢。事实上，他们必须这样做,否则,这座圣殿或许就无法建成，或许即使建成了，它也可能倒塌，这将再次证明我们所有人都是朽木不可雕，只能第三次从战争中汲取教训,而这次战争的残酷将会与我们刚刚脱离的战争不可同日而语,绝对有过之而无不及。黑暗时代将会回归，石器时代将会插着熠生辉的科学之翼回归，今天给人类带来无限物质财富的科学技术可能导致人类的最终毁灭。我要说,小心啊,时不我待。不要让我们重蹈覆辙,任凭事情恣意发展,直到为时已晚。如果有我刚才描述的那种兄弟般的联合,我们的国家都能从中获得力量与安全，那么，就让我们告诉全世界这个伟大的事实，兄弟般的联合能够有效地建设和巩固和平的基石。这才是一条明智的道路。未雨绸缪胜于亡羊补牢。

阴影已经降落在不久前刚被盟军的胜利所照亮的大地上。没有人知道苏联及其共产主义国际组织打算在不久的将来干些什么，也没有人知道它们扩张和发展从属国的止境在哪里,如果还有止境的话。我十分钦佩和尊敬英勇的俄国人民和我的战时伙伴约瑟夫·斯大林元帅。在英国——我毫不怀疑,在这里也一样--人们对所有俄国人民怀有深切的同情和善意,决心不畏种种分歧和挫折,建立起持久的友谊。我们理解,俄罗斯需要消除德国侵略的一切可能性来确保它西部边界的安全。我们欢迎俄国在世界大国中占有应得的位置。我们欢迎它的旗帜在海上飘扬。最为重要的是,我们欢迎俄国人民和大西洋两岸的英美人民之间保持稳定、频繁和日益增多的接触。但是，我有责任把当前欧洲形势的某些事实摆在你们面前，因为我相信你们也希望我告诉你们我所看到的事实。

从波罗的海的什切青到亚得里亚海的的里雅斯特，一幅横贯欧洲大陆的铁幕已经降落下来。在这条线的后面，坐落着古老的中欧和东欧国家的所有首都。华沙、柏林、布拉格、维也纳、布达佩斯、贝尔格莱德、布加勒斯特和索菲亚，所有这些名城及其居民都位于我称之为“苏联的势力范围”之内，不仅以各种形式屈服于苏联的影响，而且在很多情况下，还受到莫斯科日益增强的高压控制。只有雅典——有着不朽光荣传统的希腊--得以通过英国、美国和法国监督的选举,自由地决定它的未来。受俄国支配的波兰政府被怂非法侵占了德国大片领土，令人难以想象的大肆驱逐数百万德国人的人间惨剧正在上演。在所有这些东欧国家,原本人数不多的共产党已经上升到同其党员数量远不相称的主导地位，并正在到处争取极权主义控制。几乎到处都是警察政府占了上风。到目前为止，除了捷克斯洛伐克,东欧根本没有真正的民主。

温斯顿·丘吉尔的这次演说引起了世界的震惊，1946年3月6日世界各大报纸的头条新闻都是有关丘吉尔铁幕演说的报道，比如《纽约时报》说“英美两国为同一命运所支配，应同情和支持丘吉尔的建议 ”，又有《纽约先驱论坛报》称丘吉尔的演说是“向市民居住的杂乱无章和破败不堪的街头掷去的一束炸弹”。而丘吉尔的这次演说也遭到了舆论界的反对，《芝加哥太阳报》报道“紧随着这位伟大而盲目的贵族所高举的大旗，就会使我们投入这个世界最恐怖的战争中去”，《华盛顿邮报》认为丘吉尔要联合国配备一支武装部队的建议是“不合逻辑 的附加物”。而且美国国会一部分议员宣称“温斯顿·丘吉尔建议美英在联合国机构之外联合对付苏联这一点太过火”。3月8日，美国总统哈里·S·杜鲁门和国务卿贝尔纳斯举行了记者招待会，否认美国政府和丘吉尔演说有任何关系，杜鲁门说他未见过讲稿，不知道演讲稿的内容，并对此表示“迷惑”，贝尔纳斯也推说他对演说内容毫不知情。1946年3月15日纽约街头出现了反对丘吉尔的标语，在市政府大厦门前还有反对丘吉尔的群众示威，群众和前来镇压示威游行的警察发生冲突 ，二十多人被捕，副国务卿戴维·艾奇逊也借故不出席纽约市政府欢迎丘吉尔的晚宴。

针对丘吉尔的这篇演说内容，1946年3月13日苏联《真理报》就此发表了题为《丘吉尔玩弄刀枪挑起反苏战争》的社论，约瑟夫·斯大林向记者发表谈话时直言丘吉尔和他的美国朋友迷恋上了希特勒的“种族主义”，企图让英语民族统治世界，号召和苏联作战，是在策划战争，许多亚非国家也从不同的角度抨击丘吉尔的这篇演说，世界舆论对英美不利。

“铁幕”一词本是纳粹战犯约瑟夫·戈培尔首创，但被温斯顿·丘吉尔搬用到这次演说中，此后“铁幕”便成为了战后国际关系中有关东西方对抗的专有名词。整个共产主义阵营的国家被西方称为“铁幕”国家，战后不久北大西洋公约组织、华沙条约组织的“美苏冷战”开始，丘吉尔的“铁幕”演说影响达30年之久。铁幕演说在第二次世界大战后历史中有重要的意义和作用，例如学者金重远在《战后世界史》中提出丘吉尔的“铁幕演说”揭开了冷战序幕，标志着战时的盟友已成为彼此激烈竞争和对抗的对手。丘吉尔的这篇演说也被世人视为是“冷战宣言”，因为在“铁幕演说”发表后一年，1947年3月12日美国就提出了杜鲁门主义，冷战全面展开。

学者韩佳媛温斯顿·丘吉尔的“铁幕”演说是第二次世界大战之后西方政界一位最有身份的人对苏联进行的最公开、最大胆的指责。

学者艾喜荣在《现实主义视角下的“铁幕演说”文献解析》一文中表明丘吉尔的“铁幕演说"是一篇旨在反苏、反共的演说，并由此拉开了美苏冷战的序幕。

学者滕淑娜在《试论二战后艾德礼工党政府的对美外交与“冷战”的起源》中认为二战后的英国衰落之势不可避免，而苏联成为世界上最强大的陆上军事强国，成为欧洲大陆无人能敌的大国。因苏联的强大英国认识到依靠自己和其它西欧国家的力量不能同苏联对抗，女王陛下政府便把目光放在了与自己属于同一意识形态领域的美国身上，试图寻求美国对世界事务承担更多的义务，这时英国的外交策略是通过当时的在野党领袖温斯顿·丘吉尔的“铁幕演说 ”来体现的。

丘吉尔的这篇“铁幕演说”的“铁幕”一词也引起了不少人的讨论，根据丘吉尔自己的回忆他首次接触“铁幕”一词是他年少时在维多利亚式剧院里见到的防火装置，后来约瑟夫·戈培尔又用它形容中国工农红军向欧洲的推进，而且丘吉尔用了一段时间仔细比较和推敲近似的表述，比如“帷幕（veil）”或“屏幕（screen）”等，一直到1945年8月16日的下议院公开使用了“铁幕”一词，这个词正好刻画出了战后欧洲的图景。而且剑桥大学国际史荣誉教授大卫·雷纳兹（David Reynolds）认为温斯顿·丘吉尔的这次演说其实传达的核心信息是“和平”，不过最后还是成了美苏冷战的导火索，丘吉尔其实也要负责任，他在演说标题上的举棋不定，演说原先的题目是《论世界事务》（World Affairs）这种大白话。只是在演说前一天他把标题改成了《和平砥柱》。媒体拿到的抢先版文本有不少都没有用这个表述，一定程度上影响了报道的平衡性。